Antipassive, clefting, and specificity
نویسنده
چکیده
In this paper, I show how these specificity effects are accounted for straightforwardly in the analysis of Tagalog morphosyntax and phrase structure proposed by Aldridge (in preparation). Under this analysis, absolutive DPs receive a presuppositional interpretation because they are located outside VP at LF and mapped to the restrictive clause, in the sense of Diesing (1992). Oblique DPs, on the other hand, receive a nonspecific interpretation because they remain within VP and undergo existential closure at LF. The fact that an oblique object may get a specific interpretation in a whquestion, I argue, is related to the structural properties of this clause type. Wh-questions take the form of pseudoclefts. The direct object is contained
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